ADVERBIAL COMPLEX SENTENCES (2193-2487)

2225

Object clauses after verbs of fear and caution take the subjunctive after primary tenses, the optative (or subjunctive, 2226) after secondary tenses.

φοβοῦμαι μὴ γένηται I fear it may happen.

φοβοῦμαι μὴ οὐ γένηται I fear it may not happen.

ἐφοβούμην μὴ γένξιτο (or γένηται) I feared it might happen.

ἐφοβούμην μὴ οὐ γένοιτο (regularly γένηται) I feared it might not happen.

, , φροντίζω μὴ κράτιστον ᾖ μοι σῑγᾶν I am thinking that it may prove (2228) best for me to be silent X. M. 4.2.39, , , οὐ τοῦτο δέδοικα, μὴ οὐκ ἔχω ὅ τι δῶ ἑκάστῳ τῶν φίλων . . . ἀλλὰ μὴ οὐκ ἔχω ἱκανοὺς οἷς δῶ I am afraid not that I may not have enough (lit. anything) to give to each of my friends, but that I may not have enough friends on whom to bestow my gifts X. A. 1.7.7.

a. The aorist is very common after μή. After secondary tenses Hom. usually has the optative.

b. μὴ οὐ with the optative is rare and suspicious (X. A. 3.5.3).

2226

After secondary tenses, the subjunctive presents the fear vividly, i.e. as it was conceived by the subject. Cp. 2197.

ἐφοβοῦντο μή τι πάθῃ they feared lest she might (may) meet with some accident X. S. 2. 11, ἐφοβήθησαν μὴ καὶ ἐπὶ σφῖς ὁ στρατὸς χωρήσῃ they became fearful that the army might (may) advance against themselves too T. 2.101. So when the fear extends up to the present time:

. The vivid use of subjunctive is common in the historians, especially Thucydides.

2227

The optative after a primary tense is rare and suspected (I 245, Hdt. 7.103, S. Aj. 279).

2228

The subjunctive and optative after μή (or ὅπως μή) may denote what may prove to be an object of fear (future ascertainment).

, ἔδεισαν μὴ λύττα τις . . . ἡμῖν ἐμπεπτώκοι they feared lest some madness might prove to have fallen upon us X. A. 5.7.26. The aorist subjunctive refers to the past in δείδοικα . . . μή σε παρείπῃ I fear it may prove that she beguiled thee A 555; cp. K 99, ν 216, ω 491 (after ὁρῶ).

2229

The future is rare with verbs of fearing after μή.

φοβοῦμαι δὲ μή τινας ἡδονὰ̄ς ἡδοναῖς εὑρήσομεν ἐναντίᾱς and I apprehend that we shall find some pleasures opposite to other pleasures P. Phil. 13a. So with verbs of caution:

.

a. The future optative seems not to occur except in X. H. 6.4.27, X. M. 1.2.7, P. Euth. 15d.

2230

ὅπως μή with the subjunctive or optative is sometimes used instead of μή after verbs of fear and caution to imply fear that something will happen.

οὐ φοβεῖ . . . ὅπως μὴ ἀνόσιον πρᾶγμα τυγχάνῃς πρά̄ττων; are you not afraid that you may chance to be doing an unholy deed? P. Euth. 4e, ἡδέως γ᾽ ἄν (θρέψαιμι τὸν ἄνδρα),

; see also 2220 b.

2231

ὅπως μή with the future indicative (as after verbs of effort) is sometimes used instead of μή with the subjunctive.

δέδοικα ὅπως μὴ . . . ἀνάγκη γενήσεται (v. l. γένηται) I fear lest a necessity may arise D. 9.75. The future optative occurs once (I. 17.22). On μή or ὅπως μή with verbs of caution, see 2220 a.

2232

The potential optative with ἄν is rarely used after μή.

δεδιότες μὴ καταλυθείη ἂν (Mss. καταλυθείησαν)

. The potential use is most evident when an optative occurs in the protasis: εἰ δέ τινες φοβοῦνται μὴ ματαίᾱ ἂν γένοιτο αὕτη ἡ κατασκευή, εἰ πόλεμος ἐγερθείη, ἐννοησάτω ὅτι κτλ. if some are afraid that this condition of things may prove vain, if war should arise, let them (him) consider that, etc. X. Vect. 4.41.

2233

Fear that something actually is or was is expressed by μή with the indicative (negative μὴ οὐ).

, , , .

a. Contrast φοβοῦμαι μὴ ἀληθές ἐστιν I fear that it is true with φοβοῦμαι μὴ ἀληθὲς ᾖ I fear it may prove true (2228).

b. The aorist occurs in Homer:

.

2298

Simple present or past conditions simply state a supposition with no implication as to its reality or probability. The protasis has the indicative, the apodosis has commonly the indicative, but also any other form of the simple sentence appropriate to the thought.

εἰ ταῦτα ποιεῖς, καλῶς ποιεῖς if you do this, you do well.

εἰ ταῦτα ἐποίησας, καλῶς ἐποίησας if you did this, you did well.

a. This form of condition corresponds to the logical formula if this is so, then that is so; if this is not so, then that is not so; if A = B, then C = D. The truth of the conclusion depends solely on the truth of the condition, which is not implied in any way. In these conditions something is supposed to be true only in order to draw the consequence that something else is true.

b. The conditional clause may express what the writer knows is physically impossible. Even when the supposition is true according to the real opinion of the writer, this form of condition is employed. In such cases εἴπερ is often used for εἰ. Both εἰ and εἴπερ sometimes have a causal force (2246); cp. si quidem and quia.

c. The simple condition is particular or general. When the protasis has εἴ τις and the apodosis a present indicative, the simple condition has a double meaning referring both to an individual case and to a rule of action. When a present general condition is distinctly expressed, ἐά̄ν with the subjunctive is used (2337.)

2299

There are many possible combinations of present and past conditions with different forms of the protasis and apodosis. Protasis and apodosis may be in different tenses, and present and future may be combined.

2300

The apodosis may be the simple indicative or any other form of the simple sentence appropriate to the thought.

a. Simple Indicative: εἰ τοῦτ᾽ ἔχει καλῶς, ἐκεῖνο αἰσχρῶς if this is excellent, that is disgraceful Aes. 3.188, εἰ μὲν (Ἀσκληπιὸς)

, εἴ τέ τι ἄλλο . . . ἐγένετο ἐπικίνδῡνον τοῖς Ἕλλησι, πάντων . . . μετέσχομεν and if any other danger befell the Greeks, we took our share in all T. 3.54, , εἴπερ γε Δᾱρείου . . . ἐστι παῖς . . . , οὐκ ἀμαχεὶ ταῦτ᾽ ἐγὼ λήψομαι if indeed he is a son of Darius, I shall not gain this without a battle X. A. 1.7.9, Κλέαρχος εἰ παρὰ τοὺς ὅρκους ἔλῡε τὰ̄ς σπονδά̄ς, τὴν δίκην ἔχει assuming that Clearchus broke the truce contrary to his oath, he has his deserts 2. 5. 41, εἰ δὲ δύο ἐξ ἑνὸς ἀγῶνος γεγένησθον, οὐκ ἐγὼ αἴτιος but if two trials have been made out of one, I am not responsible Ant. 5.85.

b. Indicative with ἄν (unreal indicative, 1786):

(here ἂν ἐδίωκεν implies εἰ ἐδίωκεν, 2303). So also an unreal indicative without ἄν, 1774: . In the above examples each clause has its proper force.

c. Subjunctive of exhortation or prohibition (cp. the indicative δεῖ or χρή with the infinitive, 1807):

, εἰ μὲν ἴστε με τοιοῦτον . . . μηδὲ φωνὴν ἀνάσχησθε if you know that I am such a man . . . do not even endure the sound of my voice D. 18.10.

d. Optative of wish (cp. the indicative ἐλπίζω):

.

e. Potential optative: θαυμάζοιμ᾽ ἂν εἰ οἶσθα I should be surprised if you know P. Pr. 312c. The potential optative (or indicative with ἄν, above b) sometimes suggests an inference (cp. the indicative δοκεῖ and inf. with ἄν). Thus, εἰ μὲν γὰρ τοῦτο λέγουσιν, ὁμολογοίην ἂν ἔγωγε οὐ κατὰ τούτους εἶναι ῥήτωρ for if they mean this, I must admit (it seems to me that I must admit) that I am an orator, but not after their style P. A. 17b (cp. τοῦτό γέ μοι δοκεῖ καλὸν εἶναι, εἴ τις οἷός τ᾽ εἴη παιδεύειν ἀνθρώπους this seems to me a fine thing, if any one should be able to train men 19 e), εἰ γὰρ οὗτοι ὀρθῶς ἀπέστησαν, ὑ̄μεῖς ἂν οὐ χρεὼν ἄρχοιτε<*> for if they were right in revolting, you must be wrong in holding your empire T. 3.40 (cp. οὐκ ἄρα χρὴ ὑ̄μᾶς ἄρχειν).

f. Imperative (cp. the indicative κελεύω order, ἀπαγορεύω forbid):

.

2301

If the protasis expresses a present intention or necessity, the future indicative may be used.

εἰ δὲ καὶ τῷ ἡγεμόνι πιστεύσομεν ὃν ἂν Κῦρος διδῷ, τί κωλύ̄ει καὶ τὰ ἄκρα ἡμῖν κελεύειν Κῦρον προκαταλαβεῖν; but if we are going to trust any guide that Cyrus may give us, what hinders our also ordering Cyrus to occupy the heights in advance in our behalf? X. A. 1.3.16, αἶρε πλῆκτρον, εἰ μαχεῖ raise your spur if you mean (are going) to fight Ar. Av. 759. The future here has a modal force and expresses something besides futurity; hence it is equivalent to μέλλεις μαχεῖσθαι (1959), but not to ἐὰ̄ν μάχῃ (2323) or to εἰ μαχεῖ (a threat, 2328), both of which refer to future time. The periphrasis with μέλλω and the present or future infinitive is more common in prose.

2302

In present and past unreal conditions the protasis implies that the supposition cannot or could not be realized because contrary to a known fact. The apodosis states what would be or would have been the result if the condition were or had been realized.

2303

The protasis has ει᾽ with the imperfect, aorist, or pluperfect indicative; the apodosis has ἄν with these past tenses. The protasis and apodosis may have different tenses. Unreal conditions are either particular or general.

2304

The imperfect refers to present time or (sometimes) to a continued or habitual past act or state. The imperfect may be conative.

εἰ ταῦτα ἐποίεις, καλῶς ἂν ἐποίεις if you were (now) doing this, you would be doing well , or if you had been doing this, you would have been doing well.

The implied opposite is a present (ἀλλ᾽ ου᾽ ποιεῖς but you are not doing this) or an imperfect (ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἐποίεις but you were not doing this).

The imperfect of past time emphasizes the continuance of the action.

2305

The aorist refers to a simple occurrence in the past.

εἰ ταῦτα ἐποίησας, καλῶς ἂν ἐποίησας if you had done this, you would have done well.

The implied opposite is an aorist (ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἐποίησας but you did not do this).

2306

The (rare) pluperfect refers to an act completed in past or present time or to the state following on such completion.

εἰ ταῦτα ἐπεποιήκης, καλῶς ἂν ἐπεποιήκης if you had finished doing this (now or on any past occasion), you would have done well.

The implied opposite is a perfect (ἀλλ᾽ ου᾽ πεποίηκας but you have not done this) or a pluperfect (ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἐπεποιήκης but you had not done this).

a. The pluperfect is used only when stress is laid on the completion of the act or on the continuance of the result of the act, and generally refers to present time. In reference to past time, the aorist is generally used instead of the pluperfect.

2307

In reference to past time, the imperfect or aorist is used according as either tense would be used in an affirmative sentence not conditional. The pluperfect is commonly used when the perfect would have been used of present time.

2308

In the form of the protasis and the apodosis of unreal conditions there is nothing that denotes unreality, but, in the combination, the unreality of the protasis is always, and that of the apodosis generally, implied. The past tenses of the indicative are used in unreal conditions referring to present time, because the speaker's thought goes back to the past, when the realization of the condition was still possible, though at the time of speaking that realization is impossible.

2309

Same Tenses in Protasis and Apodosis.—a. Imperfect of present time:

.

b. Imperfect of past time:

. Present and past combined: εἰ μὴ τότ᾽ ἐπόνουν, νῦν ἂν οὐκ εὐφραινόμην if I had not toiled then, I should not be rejoicing now Philemon 153.

c. Aorist of past time:

.

2310

Different Tenses in Protasis and Apodosis.—a. Imperfect and Aorist: εἰ μὲν πρόσθεν ἠπιστάμην, οὐδ᾽ ἂν συνηκολούθησά σοι if I had known this before, I would not even have accompanied you X. A. 7.7.11.

N.—With an imperfect of present time in the protasis, εἶπον ἄν, ἀπεκρῑνάμην ἄν and like verbs, denote an act in present time (I should at once say). Thus, εἰ μὴ πατὴρ ἦσθ᾽, εἶπον ἄν σ᾽ οὐκ εὖ φρονεῖν if thou wert not my father, I would say (would have said) thou wast unwise S. Ant. 755. Often in Plato, as εἰ μὲν οὖ<*> σύ με ἠρώτᾱς τι τῶν νῦν δή, εἶπον ἄν κτλ. if now you were asking me any one of the questions with which we are now dealing, I should say etc., P. Euth. 12d, cp. P. G. 514d, X. A. 7.6.23.

b. Imperfect and Pluperfect:

.

c. Aorist and Imperfect: εἰ μὴ ὑ̄μεῖς ἤλθετε, ἐπορευόμεθα ἂν ἐπὶ βασιλέᾱ if you had not come, we should now be marching against the king X. A. 2.1.4.

d. Aorist and Pluperfect: εἰ ἐγὼ πάλαι ἐπεχείρησα πρά̄ττειν τὰ πολῑτικὰ πρά̄γματα, πάλαι ἂν ἀπολώλη if I had long ago essayed to meddle with politics, I should long ago have perished P. A. 31d, εἰ μία ψῆφος μετέπεσεν, ὑπερώριστ᾽ ἄν if one vote had been transferred to the other side, he would have been transported across the borders (and now be in exile) Aes. 3.252.

e. Pluperfect and Imperfect:

.

f. Pluperfect and Aorist: οὐκ ἂν παρέμεινα, εἰ ἐλελύμην I should not have stayed, if I had been free Ant. 5.13.

2311

Homeric Constructions.—In Homer the imperfect in unreal conditions refers only to past time. The apodosis may have κέ or ἄν with the optative.

a. The present unreal condition with εἰ with the optative in the protasis and ἄν with the optative in the apodosis (in form like a less vivid future condition in Attic) is very rare ( Ψ 274). In B 80, Ω 220 we have a combination of a past protasis (imperfect or aorist indicative) with present apodosis (with κέν and the optative).

b. Past unreal conditions have, in the protasis, the imperfect or aorist indicative; in the apodosis, either the imperfect or aorist indicative with ἄν or κέ or the aorist or present optative with κέ. Thus, καί νύ κεν ἔνθ᾽ ἀπόλοιτο . . . Αἰνείᾱς, εἰ μὴ ἄρ᾽ ὀξυ` νόησε . . . Ἀφροδί̄τη and here Aeneas had perished, if Aphrodite had not quickly observed him E 311.

2312

Unreal conditions with ἄν and the optative in apodosis (cp. 2311) in Attic are rare and some are suspected. Either the common reading is at fault (X. M. 3.5.8), or we have a simple condition with a potential optative (2300 e), as in And. 1.57, L. 6.39, I. 4.102. In εἰ μὲν τοίνυν τοῦτ᾽ ἐπεχείρουν λέγειν . . . , οὐκ ἔσθ᾽ ὅστις οὐκ ἂν εἰκότως ἐπιτῑμήσειέ μοι if now I were attempting to say this, there would be no one who would not censure me with good reason (D. 18.206) the implied conclusion is οὐκ ἂν ἦν ὅστις κτλ.

a. The optative in protasis and apodosis occur in E. Med. 568 (present unreal). Hdt. uses the potential optative occasionally (e.g. 7. 214) where English uses a past expression.

2323

More vivid future conditions have in the protasis ἐά̄ν (ἤν, ἄ̄ν) with the subjunctive; in the apodosis, the future indicative or any other form referring to future time.

ἐὰ̄ν ταῦτα ποιῇς (ποιήσῃς), καλῶς ποιήσεις if you do this, you will do well.

2324

This form of condition corresponds to the use of shall and will in conditional sentences in older English (“if ye shall ask . . . I will do it”: St. John). Modern English substitutes the present for the more exact future in ordinary future conditions of this class; and often uses shall in the protasis with an emotional force. The English present subjunctive, although somewhat rarely used in the modern language, corresponds more nearly to the Greek subjunctive (“if she be there, he shall not need”: Beaumont and Fletcher).—Since if you do this may be expressed in Greek by ἐὰ̄ν ταῦτα ποιῇς or εἰ ταῦτα ποιήσεις (2328), and by εἰ ταῦτα ποιεῖς (2298), the difference in meaning is made clear only by the apodosis. The form ἐὰ̄ν ταῦτα ποιῇς in vivid future conditions must be distinguished from the same form in present general conditions (if ever you do this, 2337). ἐὰ̄ν ταῦτά σοι δοκῇ, ποίει may be particular or general: if (or if ever) this seems good to you, do it.

2325

The present subjunctive views an act as continuing (not completed); the aorist subjunctive as simply occurring (completed). Neither tense has any time of itself. The aorist subjunctive may mark the action of the protasis as completed before the action of the principal clause (cp. the Lat. future perfect). Ingressive aorists (1924) retain their force in the subjunctive.

2326

The apodosis of the more vivid future condition is the future indicative or any other form of the simple sentence that refers to future time.

a. Future Indicative:

, , , ἂ̄ν αὐτῷ διδῷς ἀργύριον καὶ πείθῃς αὐτόν, ποιήσει καὶ σὲ σοφόν if you give him money and persuade him, he will make you too wise 310 d, , ἐὰ̄ν κύκλου ἐπὶ τῆς περιφερείᾱς ληφθῇ δύο τυχόντα σημεῖα, ἡ ἐπὶ τὰ σημεῖα ἐπιζευγνυμένη εὐθεῖα ἐντὸς πεσεῖται τ<*>ῦ κύκλου if any two points be taken in the circumference of a circle, the straight line which joins them shall fall within the circle Euclid 3. 2.

b. Primary Tenses of the indicative other than the future. Present (1879):

, δίδωσ᾽ ἑκὼν κτείνειν ἑαυτόν, ἢν τάδε ψευσθῇ λέγων freely he offers himself to death, if he lies in speaking thus (δίδωσι = he says that he is ready) S. Phil. 1342. Aorist: see 1934, and cp. εἰ μέν κ᾽ αὖθι μένων Τρώων πόλιν ἀμφιμάχωμαι, ὤλετο μέν μοι νόστος if I tarry here and wage war about the city of the Trojans, my return home is lost for me I 413. Perfect: see 1950. Cp. “if I shall have an answer no directlier, I am gone”: Beaumont and Fletcher.

c. Subjunctive of exhortation, prohibition, or deliberation, and with μή (μὴ οὐ) of doubtful assertion (1801). Thus, μηδ᾽ ἄ̄ν τι ὠνῶμαι, ἔφη, ἢν πωλῇ νεώτερος τριά̄κοντα ἐτῶν, ἔρωμαι, ὁπόσου πωλεῖ; even if I am buying something, said he, am I not to ask ‘what do you sell it for?’ if the seller is under thirty years of age? X. M. 1.2.36, κἂ̄ν φαινώμεθα ἄδικα αὐτὰ ἐργαζόμενοι, μὴ οὐ δέῃ ὑπολογίζεσθαι κτλ. and if we appear to do this unjustly, I rather think it may not be necessary to take notice, etc. P. Cr. 48d.

d. Optative of wish, or potential optative with ἄν (‘something may happen’ instead of ‘something will happen’). Thus, ἤν σε τοῦ λοιποῦ ποτ᾽ ἀφέλωμαι χρόνου, . . .

, ἐὰ̄ν κατὰ μέρος φυλάττωμεν . . ., ἧττον ἂν δύναιντο ἡμᾶς θηρᾶν οἱ πολέμιοι if we keep guard by turns, the enemy will (would) be less able to harry us X. A. 5.1.9. See also 2356 a.

e. Imperative, or infinitive for the imperative (2013):

, .

2327

Homeric Constructions.—a. εἰ alone without κέ or ἄν with the subjunctive with no appreciable difference from εἴ κε (ἄν): εἴ περ γάρ σε κατακτάνῃ, οὔ σ᾽ . . . κλαύσομαι for if he slay thee, I shall not bewail thee X 86. This construction occurs in lyric and dramatic poetry, and in Hdt., as δυστάλαινα τἄ̄ρ᾽ ἐγώ, εἴ σου στερηθῶ wretched indeed shall I be, if I am deprived of thee S. O. C. 1443. In Attic prose it is very rare and suspected (T. 6.21).

b. Subjunctive with κέ in both protasis and apodosis (the anticipatory subjunctive, 1810): εἰ δέ κε μὴ δώῃσιν, ἐγὼ δέ κεν αὐτὸς ἕλωμαι and if he do not give her up, then will I seize her myself A 324.

c. εἴ (αἴ) κε with the future in protasis (rare): σοὶ . . . ὄνειδος ἔσσεται, εἴ κ᾽ Ἀχιλῆος . . . ἑταῖρον . . . κύνες ἑλκήσουσιν it will be a reproach unto thee, if the dogs drag the companion of Achilles P 557. Some read here the subjunctive.

2328

Emotional Future Conditions.—When the protasis expresses strong feeling, the future indicative with εἰ is commonly used instead of ἐά̄ν with the subjunctive, and may often be rendered by hall. The protasis commonly suggests something undesired, or feared, or intended independently of the speaker's will; the apodosis commonly conveys a threat, a warning, or an earnest appeal to the feelings. The apodosis is generally expressed by the future indicative, but other forms of 2326 are possible.

, εἰ μὴ καθέξεις γλῶσσαν, ἔσται σοι κακά if you won't hold your tongue, there's trouble in store for you E. frag. 5, , , ἀ̄θλιώτατος ἂν γενοίμην (potential optative), .

a. When εἰ with the future indicative is directly contrasted with ἐά̄ν with the subjunctive, the former usually presents the unfavourable, the latter the favourable, alternative. Thus,

ἢν μὲν γὰρ ἐθέλωμεν ἀποθνῄσκειν ὑπὲρ τῶν δικαίων, εὐδοκιμήσομεν . . ., εἰ δὲ φοβησόμεθα τοὺς κινδύ̄νους, εἰς πολλὰ̄ς ταραχὰ̄ς καταστήσομεν ἡμᾶς αὐτούς if we are (shall be) willing to die for the sake of justice, we shall gain renown; but if we are going to fear dangers, we shall bring ourselves into great confusion I. 6.107. Cp. X. C. 4.1.15, Ar. Nub. 586-591, L. 27.7, I. 12.237, 15. 130, 17. 9, D. 8.17, 18. 176, 27. 20-22. Both constructions are rarely used in successive clauses with out any essential difference (X. Ap. 6). ἐά̄ν with the subjunctive, when used in threats or warnings, is a milder form of statement than εἰ with the future (Hdt. 1.71). An unfavourable alternative may thus be expressed by ἐά̄ν with the subjunctive (A 135-137, Hdt. 3.36, Aes. 3.254).

b. εἰ with the future indicative may have a modal force like that of δεῖ or μέλλω (am to, must) with the infinitive: βαρεῖα (κήρ), εἰ τέκνον δαΐξω hard is fate, if I must slay my child A. Ag. 208. The future of present intention (2301) is different.

2329

Less vivid future conditions (should . . . would conditions) have in the protasis εἰ with the optative, in the apodosis ἄν with the optative.

εἰ ταῦτα ποιοίης, καλῶς ἂν ποιοίης or εἰ ταῦτα ποιήσειας, καλῶς ἂν ποιήσειας if you should do this, you would do well.

, εἰ δ᾽ ἀναγκαῖον εἴη ἀδικεῖν ἢ ἀδικεῖσθαι, ἑλοίμην ἂν μᾶλλον ἀδικεῖσθαι ἢ ἀδικεῖν but if it should be necessary to do wrong or be wronged, I should prefer to be wronged than to do wrong P. G. 469c, .

a. Anything physically impossible may be represented as supposable, hence this construction may be used of what is contrary to fact. Thus,

. Cp. A. Ag. 37, P. Pr. 361a, Eu. 299 d, and see 2311 a, 2322 c.

2330

Conditional sentences of this class arose partly from optatives of wish (1814, 1815), partly from potential optatives (1824). Cp. εἴθ᾽ ὧς ἡβώοιμι . . . τῷ κε τάχ᾽ ἀντήσειε μάχης . . . Ἕκτωρ would that I were thus young . . . in that case Hector would soon find his combat H 157; see also ξ 193.

2331

The present optative views an action as continuing (not completed); the aorist optative, as simply occurring (completed). (The future optative is never used except to represent a future indicative in indirect discourse.) The perfect (rare) denotes completion with resulting state. In Hdt. 7.214 it is used vaguely of the past: εἰδείη μὲν γὰρ ἂν . . . ταύτην τὴν ἀτ ραπὸν Ὀνήτης, εἰ τῇ χώρᾳ πολλὰ ὡμῑληκὼς εἴη for Onetes might know of this path . . . if he had been well acquainted with the country.

2332

English would is equivocal, being used either in the translation of ἄν with the optative or of ἄν with the past indicative (2302). Thus, cp. εἴ τίς σε ἤρετο . . ., τί ἂν ἀπεκρἰ̄νω; if any one had asked you . . ., what would you have replied? with εἰ οὖν τις ἡμᾶς . . . ἔροιτο . . ., τί ἂν αὐτῷ ἀποκρῑναίμεθα; if then some one should (were to) ask us . . ., what would (should) we reply to him? P. Pr. 311b, d. If I were may be used to translate both εἰ with the optative and εἰ with the past indicative. English shows examples of were in the protasis followed by would, shall, will, is (was, etc.). Were occurs also in apodosis (“should he be roused out of sleep to-night, it were not well”: Shelley).

2333

The apodosis has the optative without ἄν in wishes.

.

On the optative with εἰ followed by other forms of the apodosis, see 2359.

2334

Homeric Constructions.—a. In the protasis, εἴ κε (εἰ ἄν) with the optative with the same force as εἰ alone. This use is exclusively Homeric. Thus, οὐ μὲν γάρ τι κακώτερον ἄλλο πάθοιμι, οὐδ᾽ εἴ κεν τοῦ πατρὸς ἀποφθιμένοιο πυθοίμην for I could not suffer anything worse, not even if I should learn of my father's death T 321. On εἰ ἄν in Attic, see 2353.

b. In the apodosis, a primary tense of the indicative: the present ( η 52), the future (I 388), the future with κέ ( μ 345: but this may be the aorist subjunctive).

c. In the apodosis, the hortatory subjunctive ( Ψ 893), the subjunctive with ἄν or κέ ( Λ 386).

d. In the apodosis, the optative without ἄν not in a wish, but with the same force as the optative with ἄν. See T 321 in a.

e. For κέ with the optative in the apodosis where we should expect, in Homeric and Attic Greek, a past indicative with ἄν (κέ) in an unreal condition, see 2311 b.

2337

Present general conditions have, in the protasis, ἐά̄ν (ἤν, ἄ̄ν) with the subjunctive; in the apodosis, the present indicative or an equivalent. ἐὰ̄ν ταῦτα ποιῇς (ποιήσῃς), σὲ ἐπαινῶ if ever you do this, I always praise you. The conclusion holds true of any time or of all time.

, , ἐὰ̄ν ἴσοις ἴσα προστεθῇ, τὰ ὅλα ἐστὶν ἴσα if equals be added to equals, the wholes are equal Euclid, Ax. 2.

2338

The gnomic aorist is equivalent to the present indicative in apodosis. ἢν δέ τις τούτων τι παραβαίνῃ, ζημίᾱν αὐτοῖς ἐπέθεσαν but if any one ever transgresses any one of these regulations, they always impose punishment upon them (him) X. C. 1.2.2.

2339

Homer and Pindar prefer εἰ to ἐά̄ν or εἴ κε (A 81); and this εἰ is sometimes found in Attic poetry (S. Ant. 710). ἄν is more often absent in general conditions than in vivid future conditions.

2340

Past general conditions have, in the protasis, εἰ with the optative; in the apodosis, the imperfect indicative or an equivalent. εἰ ταῦτα ποιοίης (ποιήσειας), σὲ ἐπῄνουν if ever you did this, I always praised you.

εἴ πού τι ὁρῴη βρωτόν, διεδίδου if ever he saw anything to eat anywhere, he always distributed it X. A. 4.5.8,

, εἰ μὲν ἐπίοιεν οἱ Ἀθηναῖοι, ὑπεχώρουν, εἰ δ᾽ ἀναχωροῖεν, ἐπέκειντο if the Athenians advanced, they retreated; if they retired, they fell upon them 7.79, ἐτί̄μᾱ δ᾽ εἴ τι καλὸν πρά̄ττοιεν, παρί̄στατο δ᾽ εἴ τις συμφορὰ̄ συμβαίνοι he honoured them if ever they performed some noble action, and stood by them in times of misfortune (lit. if any misfortune befell) X. Ag. 7.3.

a. The optative is here sometimes called the iterative optative. This mood has however no iterative force in itself, the idea of repetition being derived solely from the context. In Homer the iterative optative after εἰ (found only Ω 768) is an extension of the iterative optative in temporal clauses where this use originated.

2341

The iterative imperfect or aorist with ἄν (1894, 1933): εἰ δέ τις αὐτῷ περί του ἀντιλέγοι . . ., ἐπὶ τὴν ὑπόθεσιν ἐπανῆγεν ἂν πάντα τὸν λόγον if ever any one opposed him on any matter, he would always bring the entire discussion back to the main point X. M. 4.6.13, εἴ τις αὐτῷ δοκοίη . . . βλᾱκεύειν, ἐκλεγόμενος τὸν ἐπιτήδειον ἔπαισεν ἄν if ever any one seemed to be lagging, he would always pick out the likely man and strike him X. A. 2.3.11. These cases are not to be confused with the apodoses of unreal conditions.

2342

Present: protasis, εἰ with the present; apodosis, the present. Past: protasis, εἰ with the imperfect; apodosis, the imperfect.

The protasis usually has εἴ τις, εἴ τι (cp. ὅστις, ὅ τι) with the indicative, as εἴ τις δύο ἢ καί τι πλείους ἡμέρᾱς λογίζεται, μάταιός ἐστιν if ever any one counts upon two or even perchance on more days, he is rash S. Tr. 944,

, τὰ μὲν ἀγώγιμα, εἴ τι ἦγον, ἐξαιρούμενοι φύλακας καθί̄στασαν taking out the cargoes, if the vessels carried anything, they appointed guards X. A. 5.1.16, εἴ τίς τι ἐπηρώτᾱ, ἀπεκρί̄νοντο if ever anybody asked any questions (for additional information) they answered T. 7.10, ἐμί̄σει οὐκ εἴ τις κακῶς πάσχων ἠμύ̄νετο, ἀλλ᾽ εἴ τις εὐεργετούμενος ἀχάριστος φαίνοιτο (2340) he hated not the man who, on suffering ill, retaliated, but him who seemed ungrateful though he had received kindness X. Ag. 11. 3.

2401

Temporal clauses referring to the future take the subjunctive with ἄν in sentences corresponding to more vivid future conditions. The principal clause has the future indicative or any form of the verb referring to the future except the simple optative. The negative is μή.

ἡνίκα δ᾽ ἄν τις ὑ̄μᾶς ἀδικῇ, ἡμεῖς ὑπὲρ ὑ̄μῶν μαχούμεθα but when any one wrongs you, we will fight in your defence X. C. 4.4.11, ὅταν μὴ σθένω, πεπαύσομαι when my strength fails, I shall cease S. Ant. 91,

, ἐμοὶ . . . δοκεῖ, ἐπὰ̄ν τάχιστα ἀ̄ριστήσωμεν, ἰέναι in my judgment we must go as soon as we have breakfasted X. A. 4. 6. 9, μέχρι δ᾽ ἂν ἐγὼ ἥκω, αἱ σπονδαὶ μενόντων but until I return, let the armistice continue 2. 3. 24,

λέξω . . . ἕως ἂν ἀκούειν βούλησθε

I will speak so long as you wish to listen

(D. 21.130)

,

περιμένετε ἔστ᾽ ἂν ἐγὼ ἔλθω

wait until I come

(X. A. 5.1.4)

, μὴ ἀναμείνωμεν ἕως ἂν πλείους ἡμῶν γένωνται let us not wait until the enemy outnumbers us X. C. 3.3.46, οὐκ ἀναμένομεν (present as emphatic future) ἕως ἂν ἡ ἡμετέρᾱ χώρᾱ κακῶται we do not wait until our land shall be ravaged 3. 3. 18. The present subjunctive is rare with ἕως until, and marks overlapping action (here = ἕως ἂν ἴδωμεν κακουμένην).

2402

The subjunctive without ἄν (κέ) is sometimes found in poetry and in Herodotus; in Attic prose only with μέχρι, μέχρι οὗ until (and πρίν, 2444 b). Thus,

. The omission of ἄν is more common after temporal conjunctions than after εἰ (2327 a) and in writers later than Homer lends an archaic colouring to the style.

2403

The principal clause may be a potential optative, which is at times nearly equivalent to the future: ἐγὼ δὲ ταύτην μὲν τὴν εἰρήνην, ἕως ἂν εἷς Ἀθηναίων λείπηται, οὐδέποτ᾽ ἂν συμβουλεύσαιμι ποιήσασθαι τῇ πόλει so long as a single Athenian is left, I never would recommend the city to make peace D. 19.14.

2404

Temporal clauses referring to the future in sentences corresponding to less vivid future conditions usually take the optative without ἄν. An optative referring to the future stands in the principal clause (2186 b). The negative is μή.

τεθναίην, ὅτε μοι μηκέτι ταῦτα μέλοι may I die, when I shall no longer care for these delights Mimnermus 1. 2,

, εἰ δὲ βούλοιο τῶν φίλων τινὰ προτρέψασθαι, ὁπότε ἀποδημοίης, ἐπιμελεῖσθαι τῶν σῶν, τί ἂν ποιοίης; should you desire to induce one of your friends to care for your interests when you were away from home, what would you do? 2. 3. 12, (here the temporal clause depends on μένειν, itself dependent on δέοιτο ἄν).

2405

The optative with ἄν (κέ) in Homer, where Attic would have the simple optative, is potential or virtually equivalent to a future. Thus, αὐτίκα γάρ με κατακτείνειεν Ἀχιλλεὺς . . ., ἐπὴν γόου ἐξ ἔρον εἵην for let Achilles slay me forthwith, when I have satisfied my desire for lamentation Ω 227. Cp. I 304, δ 222, ἕως κε β 78 (potential), εἰς ὅ κε Ο 70 (elsewhere this expression always takes the subjunctive in Homer).

2406

The potential optative or indicative (with ἄν) having its proper force may appear in temporal clauses (cp. 2353).

φυλάξᾱς . . . τὸν χειμῶν᾽ ἐπιχειρεῖ, ἡνίκ᾽ ἂν ἡμεῖς μὴ δυναίμεθ᾽ ἐκεῖσ᾽ ἀφικέσθαι by watching for winter to set in he begins his operations when we are unable (he thinks) to reach the spot D. 4.31. Cp. 2405.

2407

The principal clause rarely has the present or future indica tive, when the temporal clause has the optative without ἄν (cp. 2360, 2361, 2573 b, c).

φρονήσεως δεῖ πολλῆς πρὸς τοὺς πολὺ πλείους . . ., ὁπότε καιρὸς παραπέσοι when the critical moment arrives, he must have great judgment to cope with forces much more numerous than his own X. Hipp. 7.4, αἰπύ οἱ ἐσσεῖται . . . νῆας ἐνιπρῆσαι, ὅτε μὴ αὐτός γε Κρονί̄ων ἐμβάλοι αἰθόμενον δᾱλὸν νήεσσι hard will it be for him to fire the ships unless (when . . . not) Kronion himself hurl upon the ships a blazing brand N 317.

a. Homer has ἄν (κέ) with the subjunctive; as

.

2408

After a secondary tense introducing indirect discourse (real or implied) the optative may represent the subjunctive with ἄν as the form in which the thought was conceived.

παρήγγειλαν, ἐπειδὴ δειπνήσαιεν . . . πάντας ἀναπαύεσθαι καὶ ἕπεσθαι ἡνίκ᾽ ἄν τις παραγγέλλῃ they issued orders that, when they had supped, all should rest and follow when any one should give the command ( = ἐπειδὰν δειπνήσητε . . . ἀναπαύεσθε) X. A. 3.5.18, ἐπιμεῖναι κελεύσαντες ἔστε βουλεύσαιντο, ἐθύ̄οντο ordering them to wait until they had taken counsel, they proceeded to sacrifice ( = ἐπιμείνατε ἔστ᾽ ἂν βουλευσώμεθα) 5. 5. 2, ἔδοξεν αὐτοῖς . . . προϊέναι . . ., ἕως Κύ̄ρῳ συμμείξειαν they resolved to keep advancing until they should join Cyrus ( = προΐωμεν ἕως ἂν συμμείξωμεν) 2. 1. 2.

2418

Temporal conjunctions denoting limit as to duration (so long as, while) or limit as to termination (until, till) may imply purpose.

a. So ἕως till, against the time when, in order that, πρίν before, in order that not. ὄφρα (poet.) is usually final (in order that) rather than temporal (so long as, while, till, up to the time that). Sometimes in post-Homeric Greek ἕως and the subjunctive (with or without ἄν) has a touch of purpose.

2419

In the Odyssey ἕως, usually with the aorist optative after a secondary tense, is almost a final conjunction. Thus, δῶκεν . . . ἔλαιον εἵως χυτλώσαιτο she gave olive oil that (against the time when) she might anoint herself ζ 79. So δ 799, ε 385, τ 367. In ι 375 the present optative expresses durative action (θερμαίνοιτο gradually get hot).

2420

After a secondary tense ἕως with the aorist optative sometimes in Attic prose implies an expectation, hope, or purpose on the part of the subject of the main verb that the action of the temporal clause may be attained. Since such optatives are due to the principle of indirect discourse, the subjunctive with ἄν, denoting mere futurity, might have been used instead.

σπονδὰ̄ς ἐποιήσαντο ἕως ἀπαγγελθείη τὰ λεχθέντα they made a truce (which they hoped would last) until the terms should be announced X. H. 3.2.20 (here we might have had ἕως ἂν ἀπαγγελθῇ), τὰ ἄλλα χωρία εἶχον μένοντες ἕως σφίσι κἀ̄κεῖνοι ποιήσειαν ( = ἂν ποιήσωσι) τὰ εἰρημένα they retained the other places, waiting until they (the Lacedaemonians) on their part should have performed for them (the Athenians) what had been agreed on T. 5.35. Compare ἕως ἂν ταῦτα διαπρά̄ξωνται φυλακὴν . . . κατέλιπε he left a garrison (to remain there) until they should settle these matters X. H. 5.3.25 (here ἕως διαπρά̄ξαιντο might have been used). Other examples are L. 13.25, Is. 1.10, 7. 8 (ἕως οὗ?), X. H. 4.4.9, D. 27.5, 29. 43 (τέως), 33. 8; cp. also Ar. Eq. 133. Present optative in T. 3.102, X. H. 5.4.37.

2421

ἕως ἄν with the optative occurs rarely where it might be thought that the simple optative or ἄν with the subjunctive should be used. Many editors emend, but ἄν may generally be defended as potential, expressing the conviction of the agent. Thus, εἵλεσθε ἄνδρας εἴκοσι· τούτους δὲ ἐπιμελεῖσθαι τῆς πόλεως, ἕως ἂν οἱ νόμοι τεθεῖεν you elected twenty men whose duty it should be to care for the State until such a time as in all probability the laws would be made And. 1.81. Cp. S. Tr. 687, I.17, 15, P. Ph. 101d. So ὅταν A. Pers. 450, πρὶν ἄν X. H. 2.3.48,2.4.18.

2430

πρίν is construed like other conjunctions meaning until except that it takes the infinitive as well as the indicative, subjunctive, and optative.

2431

After an affirmative clause πρίν usually takes the infinitive and means before.

2432

After a negative clause πρίν means until, and usually takes the indicative (of definite time), the subjunctive or optative (of indefinite time).

a. The subjunctive or optative is never used with πρίν unless the principal clause is negative.

b. When the principal clause is negative, πρίν is construed like ἕως and other words for until (οὐ πρίν ῀ ἕως).

2433

When the principal clause is affirmative, the clause with πρίν simply adds a closer definition of the time. When the principal clause is negative, πρίν defines the time as before, but the closer definition serves also as a condition that must be realized before the action of the principal clause can be realized. Thus,

(i.e. without hearing = ἐὰ̄ν μὴ ἀκούσητε). Cp. οὔτε γὰρ εἰρήνην οἷόν τε βεβαίᾱν ἀγαγεῖν, ἢν μὴ κοινῇ τοῖς βαρβάροις πολεμήσωμεν, οὔθ᾽ ὁμονοῆσαι τοὺς Ἕλληνας, π ρ ὶ ν ἂν . . . τοὺς κινδύ̄νους πρὸς τοὺς αὐτοὺς ποιησώμεθα neither is it possible to make a lasting peace unless we war in common against the barbarians, nor can the Greeks attain unanimity of sentiment until we encounter our perils in the front of the same enemies I. 4.173.

2434

πρίν is used with the aorist or (less often) with the imperfect indicative only when πρίν is equivalent to ἕως until; but, when the verb of the main clause is negatived, πρίν may be translated by before or until. When πρίν must be rendered by before, it takes the infinitive.

ταῦτα ἐποίουν πρὶν Σωκράτης ἀφί̄κετο I was doing this until Socrates arrived (rare even in poetry; cp. 2441 c).

οὐ ταῦτα ἐποίουν πρὶν Σωκράτης ἀφί̄κετο I was not doing this until (or before) Socrates arrived.

ταῦτα ἐποίουν πρὶν Σωκράτην ἀφικέσθαι (not Σωκράτης ἀφί̄κετο) I was doing this before Socrates arrived.

2435

It is correct to say οὐ ποιήσω τοῦτο πρὶν ἂν κελεύσῃς, ποιήσω (or οὐ ποιήσω) τοῦτο πρὶν κελεῦσαι, but incorrect to say ποιήσω τοῦτο πρὶν ἂν κελεύσῃς.

2436

The action of an infinitive introduced by πρίν before may or may not (according to the sense) actually take place at some time later than the action of the leading verb. The clause with πρίν signifies merely that the action of the infinitive had not taken place at the time of the leading verb.

2437

The clause with πρίν may precede or follow the correlated clause. Cp. 2455.

2438

πρίν is originally a comparative adverb meaning before, i.e. sooner or formerly; and seems to be connected with πρό, πρότερον before. The adverbial force survives in Attic only after the article, as

. The adverbial and original use appears also in Homer wherever πρίν occurs with the indicative, the anticipatory (futural) subjunctive (1810), or the optative with κέ. Thus, τὴν δ᾽ ἐγὼ οὐ λύ̄σω· πρίν μιν καὶ γῆρας ἕπεισιν but her I will not release; sooner shall old age come upon her A 29, οὐδέ μιν ἀνστήσεις· πρὶν καὶ κακὸν ἄλλο πάθῃσθα nor shalt thou recall him to life; sooner (before this) thou wilt suffer yet another affliction Ω 551.—From this early coördination was developed the construction of the conjunction πρίν with the finite moods; but in general only after Homer, who never uses the indicative, and the optative only once ( Φ 580), with πρίν. The required sense was given by ἕως or πρίν γ᾽ ὅτε δή. A finite mood was first used of the future, and after negative clauses (οὐ πρότερον πρίν like οὐ πρότερον ἕως).—Homer commonly uses the infinitive with πρίν meaning before and until. Here the infinitive (as with ὥστε) simply states the abstract verbal notion, and thus has no reference to differences of time or mood; πρίν being used almost like πρό before as πρὶν ἰδεῖν ῀ πρὸ τοῦ ἰδεῖν before seeing (first in Xenophon). This early use with the infinitive was, with some restrictions, retained in Attic, where the infinitive may sometimes be used instead of the finite verb. πρίν came more and more to take the subjunctive with ἄν and to assume conditional relations (cp. 2433); while the use with the infinitive was more and more confined to cases where the leading verb was affirmative.

2439

The comparative idea in πρίν explains its negative force: an event A happened before another event B, i.e. A occurred when B had not yet (οὔπω) occurred. Because of its negative force πρίν commonly takes the aorist in all the moods. The aorist has an affinity for the negative because it marks simple and total negation of an action regarded in its mere occurrence; whereas the imperfect with a negative denotes resistance or refusal (1896) in respect of an action regarded as continuing. When πρίν takes the present in any mood the actions of the correlated clauses usually overlap. The present occurs chiefly in the prose writers of the fourth century.

2440

πρότερον or πρόσθεν may be used in the principal clause as a forerunner of πρίν. Examples in 2441, 2444, 2445.

a. Homer has πρὶν . . . πρίν B 348. Attic has also φθάνω . . . πρίν, as

.

2441

πρίν in Attic prose takes the indicative of a definite past action when the verb of the principal clause is negative or implies a negative, rarely when it is affirmative.

, , , οὐδ᾽ ὣς . . . ἠξίωσαν νεώτερόν τι ποιεῖν ἐς αὐτόν . . . πρίν γε δὴ . . . ἀνὴρ Ἀργίλιος μηνῡτὴς γίγνεται (historical present = aorist) not even under these circumstances did they think it right to take any severe measures against him, until finally a man of Argilus turned informer T. 1.132.

a. The tense in the πρίν clause is usually the aorist (the tense of negation, 2439, and of prior action); rarely the imperfect (of contemporaneous, overlapping action), as D. 9.61. The historical present is also used as an equivalent of the aorist. The principal clause usually has a secondary tense of the indicative. πρίν with the indicative is not common until Herodotus and the Attic writers.

b. The verb of the principal clause may be virtually negative, as τοὺς . . . Ἀθηναίους λανθάνουσι πρὶν δὴ τῇ Δήλῳ ἔσχον they escaped the notice of the Athenians (i.e. οὐχ ὁρῶνται) until they reached Delos T. 3.29. Cp. T. 3.104, X. A. 2.5.33. Observe that οὐ παύομαι (2441) is not regarded as virtually affirmative.

c. The verb of the principal clause is affirmative in prose only in T. 7.39, 7. 71, Aes. 1.64. In all of these cases the leading verb is an imperfect, which emphasizes the continuation of the action up to the point of time expressed by the πρίν clause.

d. The use in Herodotus is the same as in Attic prose. Homer has the indicative (after affirmative or negative clauses) only with πρίν γ᾽ ὅτε until. In the drama πρίν with the indicative is rare. Euripides uses it only after affirmative clauses. When πρίν is = ἕως it often takes δή.

2442

A πρίν clause, depending on a past tense denoting non-fulfilment, itself denotes non-fulfilment and takes a past indicative by assimilation (2185 b).

χρῆν τοίνυν Λεπτίνην μὴ πρότερον τιθέναι τὸν ἑαυτοῦ νόμον πρὶν τοῦτον ἔλῡσε Leptines ought not then to have proposed his own law until (before) he had repealed this D. 20.96. Cp. 2455 b.

2443

πρίν with the subjunctive and ἄν refers to the future or to general present time.

2444

(I) πρίν takes the subjunctive with ἄν to denote a future action anticipated by the subject of the leading verb. The principal clause is negative, and contains any verb referring to the future except the simple optative.

, μὴ ἀπέλθητε πρὶν ἂν ἀκούσητε do not go away until you hear (shall have heard) X. A. 5.7.12, οὐ χρή μ᾽ ἐνθένδε ἀπελθεῖν πρὶν ἂν δῶ δίκην I must not depart hence until I have suffered punishment 5. 7. 5, , μή ποτ᾽ ἐπαινήσῃς πρὶν ἂν εἰδῇς ἄνδρα σαφηνέως never praise a man until you have come to know him well Theognis 963. Observe that the last two examples contain a general truth.

a. The aorist subjunctive is usual (the tense of negation, 2439, and of action prior to that of the principal clause); much less common is the present subjunctive (usually of contemporaneous, overlapping action) as X. C. 2.2.8 (2446).

b. Homer does not use κέ or ἄν in this construction since πρίν is here adverbial and its clause is simply coördinated. But Hom. has πρίν γ᾽ ὅτ᾽ ἄν. The subjunctive without ἄν occurs occasionally as an archaism in Hdt. and the dramatic poets. In Attic prose especially in Thuc. (e.g. 6. 10, 29, 38); but ἄν is often inserted by editors.

c. The leading verb is rarely the optative with ἄν (as a form of future expression): οὐκ ἂν ἀπέλθοιμι πρὶν παντάπᾱσιν ἡ ἀγορὰ̄ λυθῇ (cp. b) I will not go away until the market is entirely over X. O. 12.1.

2445

(II) After a negative clause of present time that expresses a customary or repeated action or a general truth, πρίν takes the subjunctive with ἄν.

οὐ πρότερον παύονται πρὶν ἂν πείσωσιν οὓς ἠδίκησαν they do not cease to endure until they have won over those whom they have wronged P. Ph. 114b.

a. The leading verb may stand in another tense than the present indicative, as οὐδεὶς πώποτε ἐπέθετο (empiric aorist, 1930)

.

2446

After a secondary tense in actual or implied indirect discourse, πρίν with the subjunctive and ἄν is common instead of the optative without ἄν (2449).

(here πρὶν ἡγοῖτο is possible).

2447

The principal clause may be affirmative in form, but virtually negative.

αἰσχρὸν ( = οὐ καλὸν or οὐ δεῖν) δ᾽ ἡγοῦμαι πρότερον παύσασθαι πρὶν ἂν ὑ̄μεῖς περὶ αὐτῶν ὅ τι ἂν βούλησθε ψηφίσησθε I consider it base (i.e. I do not consider it to be honourable) to stop until you have voted what you wish L. 22.4. Cf. Thuc. 6. 38, D. 38.24, E. Heracl. 179.

2448

πρίν with the optative is used only in indirect discourse or by assimilation to another optative.

2449

(I) The optative without ἄν follows πρίν to denote an action anticipated in the past when the principal clause is negative and its verb is in a secondary tense. The optative is here in indirect discourse (actual or implied) and represents ἄν with the subjunctive, which is often retained (2446). Cp. 2420.

( = μηδεὶς βαλλέτω πρὶν ἂν Κῦρος ἐμπλησθῇ), οἱ Ἠλεῖοι . . . ἔπειθον (αὐτοὺς) ( = μὴ ποιεῖτε μάχην πρὶν ἂν παραγένωνται).

a. In indirect discourse the infinitive is preferred (2455 d).

2450

(II) By assimilation of mood, πρίν may take the optative when the negative principal clause has the optative. Cp. 2186 b.

εἰ ἕλκοι τις αὐτόν . . . καὶ μὴ ἀνείη πρὶν ἐξελκύ̄σειεν ἐς τὸ τοῦ ἡλίου φῶς κτλ. if one should drag him and not let him go until he had dragged him out into the sunlight, etc. P. R. 515e.

2451

The optative with πρίν in clauses of customary or repeated action seems not to be used.

2452

πρὶν ἄν with the optative is rare and suspected (cp. 2421).

2453

πρίν takes the infinitive in Attic especially when the principal clause is affirmative. The infinitive must be used, even with negative clauses, when πρίν must mean only before (and not until).

a. The infinitive is obligatory in Attic when the action of the πρίν clause does not take place or is not to take place (cp. ὥστε μή with the infinitive).

b. The infinitive takes the accusative when its subject is different from that of the principal clause.

c. The usual tense is the aorist, the tense of negation (2439) and of the simple occurrence of the action. Less frequent is the present (chiefly in Xenophon), of action continuing, repeated, or attempted (before undertaking to, before proceeding to). The perfect, of action completed with permanent result, is rare.

, , ἀπετράποντο ἐς τὴν πόλιν πρὶν ὑπερβαίνειν they turned back to the city before they attempted to scale the wall T. 3.24.

2454

When the principal clause is affirmative, πρίν before regularly takes the infinitive.

, πρὶν καταλῦσαι τὸ στράτευμα πρὸς ἄ̄ριστον βασιλεὺς ἐφάνη before the army halted for breakfast, the king appeared 1. 10. 19, πέμψᾱς, πρὶν ἐν Τεγέᾳ αὐτὸς εἶναι, πρὸς τὸν ἄρχοντα τῶν ξένων, ἐκέλευε κτλ. lit. before he himself arrived at Tegea, sending to the commander of the mercenaries, he gave orders, etc. X. H. 5.4.37 (αὐτός, by attraction to the subject of πέμψᾱς).

2455

When the main clause is negative, πρίν sometimes takes the infinitive in Attic, and generally means before, rarely until. When before and after are contrasted, until is out of place, and the πρίν clause often precedes.

a. In reference to present or past time:

, πρὶν μὲν τοῦτο πρᾶξαι Λεωκράτην ἄδηλον ἦν ὁποῖοί τινες ἐτύγχανον, νῦν δέ κτλ. before Leocrates did this, it was uncertain what sort of men they were; but now, etc. Lyc. 135, .

b. In reference to action unfulfilled: οὓς (λόγους)

.

c. In reference to future time:

, (cp. ὅπως μὴ θορυβήσει μηδεὶς πρὶν ἂν ἅπαντα εἴπω D. 13, 14).

N.—With verbs of fearing, the positive being the thing dreaded; as δέδοικα μὴ πρὶν πόνοις ὑπερβάλῃ με γῆρας πρὶν σὰ̄ν χαρίεσσαν προσιδεῖν ὥρᾱν I fear lest old age overcome me with its troubles before I live to behold thy gracious beauty E. fr. 453.

d. Infinitive instead of the optative after a leading verb in a secondary tense:

(here the optative might stand in indirect discourse to represent the subjunctive with ἄν), οὔτ᾽ αὐτός ποτε πρὶν ἱδρῶσαι δεῖπνον ᾑρεῖτο neither was he ever accustomed to take his supper until he got into a sweat by exercise X. C. 8.1.38 (for ἱδρώσειε, see 2451).

e. Infinitive after an optative with ἄν in a principal clause: εἴ τίς τινα μηχανὴν ἔχοι πρὸς τοῦτο . . ., οὐκ ἄν ποτε λέγων ἀπείποι τὸ τοιοῦτον πρὶν ἐπὶ τέλος ἐλθεῖν; if ever any lawgiver should have any plan for this, would he ever be weary of discussing such a scheme until he reached the end? P. L. 769e. Here the subjunctive with ἄν is permitted.

2456

The lyric poets and Herodotus use πρίν with the infinitive as it is used in Attic prose and poetry. Homer has the infinitive after affirmative or negative clauses alike (before and until), and often where a finite verb would be used in Attic; as ναῖε δὲ Πήδαιον πρὶν ἐλθεῖν υἷας Ἀχαιῶν he dwelt in Pedaeon before the sons of the Achaeans came N 172, οὔ μ᾽ ἀποτρέψεις πρὶν χαλκῷ μαχέσασθαι ( = Attic ἂν μαχέσῃ) thou shalt not dissuade me until thou hast fought with the spear Υ 257; often in correspondence with the adverbial πρίν, as οὐδέ τις ἔτλη πρὶν πιέειν, πρὶν λεῖψαι nor durst any man (sooner) drink before he had offered a libation H 480.

2457

ἢ πρίν than before, with a past tense suppressed after ἤ, occurs first in Xenophon (C. 5. 2. 36, 7. 5. 77).

2458

πρότερον ἤ sooner than, before is used especially in Herodotus and Thucydides. (a) With the indicative:

. (b) With the infinitive: τὰ̄ς δ᾽ ἄλλᾱς πόλεις ἔφη ἀδικεῖν, αἳ ἐς Ἀθηναίους πρότερον ἢ ἀποστῆναι ἀνήλουν he said the other States were wrong, which, before they revolted, used to pay money into the treasury of the Athenians T. 8.45. (c) With the subjunctive (without ἄν) rarely (T. 7.63). Chiefly in Hdt.

2459

So πρόσθεν ἤ sooner than, before: ἀπεκρί̄νατο . . . ὅτι πρόσθεν ἂν ἀποθάνοιεν ἢ τὰ ὅπλα παραδοίησαν he answered that they would die before (sooner than that) they would surrender their arms X. A. 2.1.10. ὕστερον ἤ later than takes, by analogy, the infinitive once in Thuc. (6. 4).

2460

πρὶν ἤ sooner than, before with the infinitive occurs in Homer (only E 288, X 266) and Hdt. (2. 2); and in Hdt. also with the indicative (6. 45) and subjunctive (7. 10 η, without ἄν). πρὶν ἤ is rare and suspected in Attic (X. C. 1.4.23); but is common in late Greek.

2461

πάρος before in Homer takes the infinitive (Z 348).